Projects Murkowski staked out her legacy on in the upper chamber are no closer to moving forward. Her support for Haaland, a left-wing environmentalist who served one term in Congress a decade later, would prove no better. “I voted for a secretary who promised to be a good partner for Alaska, but proved to be anything but that after confirmation,” Murkowski said in a press release. In explaining her controversial vote last year, Murkowski expressed regret for a vote to approve President Barack Obama’s choice for the nation’s pre-eminent land agency nearly 10 years ago, Secretary Sally Jewel. Perhaps no other vote in her latest term has been more consequential than Murkowski’s approval for President Joe Biden’s pick to lead the Department of the Interior last spring, Secretary Deb Haaland. The senator’s efforts, however, have only yielded detrimental results for constituents handicapped by more Washington regulation while Democratic partisans benefit from another Republican lawmaker eager to serve as a foil against her own party. Murkowski has pitched her time in Washington as a bipartisan lawmaker often reaching across the aisle to secure federal favors for Alaskans as a reason to keep her in the upper chamber for six more years. Instead, she’s a reliable vote for the D.C. “Murkowski turned her back on Alaska a long time ago, but she continues to pretend to still represent us. “It’s so typical Murkowski that ‘Alaskans for Lisa Murkowski’ is completely funded by people from the Lower 48,” Tshibaka told The Federalist. While its leadership consists of political operatives who’ve worked for Murkowski, public filings with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) reveal its 11 contributions to date totaling nearly $1.3 million have all come from the Lower 48. ![]() ![]() (Leadership In a Strong Alaska),” has served as a primary vehicle for out-of-state interests to keep Murkowski in Washington. Less than 5 percent have come from small individual contributions.Ī major super PAC supporting Murkowski also appears to be funneling money from the Lower 48 into the Alaskan contest under the guise of resident leadership, even as the incumbent lawmaker opened her campaign with a condemnation of outside influence.Īside from closely skirting laws that forbid naming a super PAC after the candidate, “Alaskans for L.I.S.A. Murkowski, who’s raised more than $5 million to protect her incumbent status, is financed by large contributions from individuals and political action committees (PACs) providing more than 89 percent of her funding. Nearly 30 percent of Tshibaka’s contributions have come from small individual donations of less than $200, according to OpenSecrets. Murkowski inherited the seat held by her senator father, Frank, when he became governor and appointed her in 2002. ![]() Tshibaka is also far more reliant on small-dollar donors compared to her opponent, who is the descendent of a political dynasty. Tshibaka, whose campaign has been blessed by the state party, has raised more than $2.5 million to unseat a three-term incumbent. In contrast, Murkowski’s Donald Trump-endorsed primary challenger Kelly Tshibaka, who previously served as a commissioner in the Alaska Department of Administration, is funded by an even split of in- and out-of-state contributions. Only 15 percent came from Alaskan residents in the current election cycle. According to public campaign finance data compiled by OpenSecrets, nearly 85 percent of the senator’s contributions have come from out of state. ![]() An honest examination of the incumbent’s finances seven months into the race, however, reveals that, if anyone’s, it’s Murkowski whose loyalty is being purchased.
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